- 26/05/2024
- Category: Commentaries
Author: Salsabila Erisa Arif & Riqko Nur Ardi Windayanto
Editor: M Perdana Karim
Gaining the votes in the 2024 presidential election is inseparable from the processes, mechanisms, and variables that occur during the campaign. The dominant narrative of the campaign as the contestation of ideas is seen antagonistically as the opposite of gimmick. This is apparent in a few articles that contrast between both of them.[i] This article tries to shed light on how the gimmick is inherent in the campaign, moreover, when the political process exists in the media era. Gimmick through the media is multifaceted (ideas, techniques, and objects)[ii] and shapes Indonesia’s political and election discourse.[iii]
In line with the above issue, this article maps the pattern of gimmicks produced by the three candidate pairs in the 2024 presidential election. This becomes the next step for debunking the implication of gimmicks to the configuration of election results, namely the winning of 02 (Prabowo-Gibran) as well as the loss of 01 (Anies-Muhaimin) and 03 (Ganjar-Mahfud). We argue that first, each candidate pair produced and distributed gimmicks through the media as the endeavor of meaning production. Second, their gimmicks are contested and hold different discursive power to fight for attention and votes.
Gimmick as a Moment of Meaning Production
Candidate pair 01 attracted the attention of K-Pop fans through Anies’ live broadcast on TikTok, followed by the appearance of the X (Twitter) account @aniesbubble.[iv] This account actively promotes and K-popifies 01’s activities and programs. The success of this endeavor ultimately heightened awareness of the “Desak Anies” and “Slepet Imin”. Both are discussion-based campaigns where the audience asks the candidate pair 01 questions and concerns.[v]
Similar strategies were also used by the candidate pair 03. Ganjar approached the young voters by making an Instagram second account @jajang_genjar, actively using memes on X, and affiliating with @timpenguinnas on X. During his campaign, he also engaged in blusukan and stayed at locals’ houses.[vi] They also held discussions titled “Gelar Tikar Ganjar” and “Tabrak Prof”. The most prominent difference is the candidate pair 02’s gimmick, which relies on multimodal or audiovisual, namely joget gemoy (cute dancing) on TikTok.[vii] This gimmick was executed through the joget gemoy challenge using the campaign song “Oke Gas 2”. They even provided a tutorial for anyone to join.
All practices mentioned above are the techniques of gimmick production, affirming Sebastian and Pratama’s[viii] perspectives that the 2024 election will still use media but with different opportunities and challenges from previous elections in 2014 and 2019.
Screenshots of X account @aniesbubble, joget gemoy challenge on TikTok, and Ganjar’s Instagram second account @jajang_genjar
Through Rudolph’s cultural politics lens, various gimmicks above can be observed. Cultural politics is the politics of meaning formed and contested through public cultures, with media playing an essential role in the information society.[ix] The diction used in the title of the discussion program by candidate pairs 01 and 03 conveys specific meanings. The words “desak” (urge) and “tabrak” (crash) portray a technocratic image, suggesting a readiness to address critical questions from society. The words “slept” (to whack) and “gear tikar” (to lay out a mat) express the identity of a santri (Islamic boarding school student who is always associated with a sarong) and a persona that represents closeness with the grassroots. These words are linguistic markers that discursively build the meaning of their image and identity.
Regarding the joget gemoy content, we see that this gimmick is produced to change the masculine and fiery general persona into one consistently patient, gentle, and tough throughout his lengthy political career. This content also discursively produces a meaning about an anti-disunity, relaxed, and inclusive campaign. Moreover, this dancing gimmick is claimed to be a partiality to young people.[x]
Gimmicks, Knowledge Narrative, and Contestation
These gimmicks above show that political actors attempt to appear as worth choosing candidates through specific criteria shaped and contested by the media. It can be understood that media gimmicks are needed to attract attention, representing society’s expectations because, without them, a campaign is only like “a fallen tree”.[xi] Conversely, focusing only on attention makes the gimmicks counter-productive. In this case, we look at the significant differences between the gimmick of candidate pair 02 and the other candidates.
Candidate pairs 01 and 03 have tried to present the knowledge narrative during the campaign. They used the gimmick of academician image and identity as a cover or discussion packaging for distributing work program ideas when they officiate in the future. However, as the cover, we suggest that these gimmicks could not bring the substances of the campaign to the broader society. These were unlike the 02, who played massively in producing the gimmicks in TikTok. They did not present the knowledge narrative, which caused a lack of opportunity to question its future programs.
Joget gemoy of 02 at once became the feature of contestation for escalating its popularity and marginalizing the other two candidates. Additionally, as of March 12, 2024, the 2024 presidential election was won by candidate pair 02 with a vote of 58,44%.[xii] The data of Indikator Politik Indonesia annotates that “Prabowo Gemoy” is recognized by 63,3% of respondents, while “Ganjar Nginap” and “Desak Anies” successively are only 20,8% and 17,5% of respondents.[xiii] Candidate pair 02 has militant supporters in TikTok, namely 54%,[xiv] with the highest interaction amounting to 376,06 million on January 16—22, 2024.[xv] Thus, it can be justified the reason why 02 played gimmicks massively in TikTok. From these data, it can be underlined that its gimmicks have a prominent discursive power for constructing political interest.
Source: Muhammad [via Katadata][xvi]
Political interest means curiosity about policies, political institutions, political processes, and politicians.[xvii] The joget gemoy gimmick only contests and distributes a personal image of a politician and manipulation of political relaxedness instead of introducing the policies, managing the institutions, and implementing the political process in the future. This gimmick strengthens society’s subjective knowledge, ignoring the clearness and accuracy of information.[xviii] The image of Prabowo is accepted without further questioning its orientation for the next five years. Using Tapsell’s idea, this gimmick raises positive energy, but it is just a phoney campaign.[xix] Ironically, it became one of the shapes of the political configuration, with 02 as the election winner.
Conclusion
We observe a new dimension in the use of media. Rather than being a platform for grand narrative contestation (Pancasila, nationalism, and Islamism) and hoaxes, as seen in the 2019 presidential election, the media has become a noisy arena of gimmick production. During the 2024 presidential election, a media gimmick becomes inherent in the campaign of all candidates. The use of the gimmick by candidate pair 02 on TikTok has a significant implication as it serves the gimmick not only as a mere cover but also as the substance of the campaign itself. Although other factors, such as presidential intervention and power mobilization, may also play a role in determining their victory,[xx] we should not overlook the impact of gimmicks in shaping the political landscape of 2024 and beyond. Instead of seeing gimmicks as mere opposition to the campaign, we should analyze and understand their influence in shaping the political process in Indonesia.
[i] Akbar, F. (2024) Catatan Kampanye Pemilu 2024: Gimik Dominan, Pileg Terlupakan, Minim Tindak Pelanggaran, Jawa Pos. Available at https://www.jawapos.com/pemilihan/014145913/catatan-kampanye-pemilu-2024-gimik-dominan-pileg-terlupakan-minim-tindak-pelanggaran (Accessed 4 Maret 2024).
Ridwan, M. (2023) Gimmick Politik Jelang Pemilu 2024 Dinilai Mengaburkan Narasi Demokrasi, Jawa Pos. Available at https://www.jawapos.com/politik/013524822/gimmick-politik-jelang-pemilu-2024-dinilai-mengaburkan-narasi-demokrasi (Accessed 4 Maret 2024).
Tempo. (2024) Jangan Terperdaya Gimik Kampanye, Tempo. Available at https://koran.tempo.co/read/editorial/486480/gimik-politik-kampanye-2024 (Accessed 4 Maret 1SM).
Utama, V.R. (2024) Pemilu 2024: Antara Gimmick Kampanye dan Tantangan Demokrasi, Remotivi. Available at https://www.remotivi.or.id/headline/esai/857 (Accessed 4 Maret 2024).
Winarno, S. (2023) Akhiri Gimik Politik, Jawa Pos. Available at https://www.jawapos.com/opini/013438657/akhiri-gimik-politik (Accessed 4 Maret 2024).
[ii] Ngai, S. (2020) Theory of the Gimmick: Aesthetic Judgment and Capitalist Form. Cambridge and London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Available at https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv24w63zt. (Downloaded: 4 Maret 2004)
[iii] Tapsell, R. (2021) ‘Social Media and Elections in Southeast Asia: The Emergence of Subversive, Underground Campaigning’, Asian Studies Review, 45(1), pp. 117–134. doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2020.1841093.
[iv] Putri, D.L. and Nugroho, R.S. (2024) Ramai soal Akun Fandom ala Kpop ‘Anies Bubble’, Apa Itu Bubble?, Kompas. Available at: https://www.kompas.com/tren/read/2024/01/01/183000465/ramai-soal-akun-fandom-ala-kpop-anies-bubble-apa-itu-bubble-?page=all (Accessed: 13 March 2024).
[v] Basyari, I. (2023) ‘Desak Anies’ dan Komitmen Menyerap Aspirasi Pemilih Muda, Kompas. Available at: https://www.kompas.id/baca/polhuk/2023/12/05/desak-anies-dan-komitmen-menyerap-aspirasi-pemilih-muda (Accessed: 13 March 2024).
Izan, K. (2023) Timnas: ‘Slepet Imin’ Forum Anak Muda Sampaikan Gagasan pada Cak Imin, Antara News. Available at: https://www.antaranews.com/berita/3856758/timnas-slepet-imin-forum-anak-muda-sampaikan-gagasan-pada-cak-imin (Accessed: 13 March 2024).
[vi] Ramadhan, A. and Krisiandi (2024) Ganjar, Kampanye, dan Bermalam di Rumah Warga, Kompas. Available at: https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2024/01/16/05395561/ganjar-kampanye-dan-bermalam-di-rumah-warga?page=all (Accessed: 13 March 2024).
[vii] Perdana, A.P. (2024) Perjalanan Kampanye Tiga Capres, dari Dialog, ”Gemoy”, Bermalam, hingga Tiktok, Kompas. Available at: https://www.kompas.id/baca/polhuk/2024/02/10/perjalanan-kampanye-tiga-capres-dari-dialog-gemoy-bermalam-hingga-tiktok (Accessed: 13 March 2024).
[viii] Sebastian, L.C. dan Pratama, J.A. (2024) ‘Social Media and the 2024 Indonesian Presidential Election: What’s New and What’s Not’, RSIS Publications [Preprint], (003).
[ix] Rudolph, L.I. (2019) ‘The media and cultural politics’, India Votes: Alliance Politics and Minority Governments in the Ninth and Tenth General Elections, 27(28), pp. 159–179. doi: https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429042430-7.
[x] Rikang, R. (2024) Joget Gemoy Prabowo demi Pemilih Muda, Tempo. Available at: https://majalah.tempo.co/read/nasional/170642/gemoy-prabowo-pemilih-muda (Accessed: 13 March 2024).
[xi] Brady, H.E., Johnston, R., dan Sides, J. (2006) ‘The study of political campaigns’, Capturing Campaign Effects, pp. 1–26.
[xii] Wiryono, S. and Ihsanuddin (2024) ‘Real Count’ Kawalpemilu.org Nyatakan Prabowo-Gibran Pemenang Pilpres 2024, Kompas. Available at: https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2024/03/12/09171451/real-count-kawalpemiluorg-nyatakan-prabowo-gibran-pemenang-pilpres-2024 (Accessed: 13 March 2024).
[xiii] Muhamad, N. (2024) Desak Anies, Prabowo Gemoy, Ganjar Menginap, Mana yang Paling Populer?, Katadata. Available at: https://databoks.katadata.co.id/datapublish/2024/01/22/desak-anies-prabowo-gemoy-ganjar-menginap-mana-yang-paling-populer (Accessed: 13 March 2024).
[xiv] Susanto, L. (2024) Efektivitas Joget Gemoy Menghapus Citra ‘Keras’ Prabowo, Katadata. Available at: https://katadata.co.id/analisisdata/6597a6768bea0/efektivitas-joget-gemoy-menghapus-citra-keras-prabowo?page=2 (Accessed: 13 March 2024).
[xv] Muhamad, N. (2024) Prabowo-Gibran Jadi Paslon dengan Interaksi Tertinggi di TikTok, Katadata. Available at: https://databoks.katadata.co.id/datapublish/2024/01/23/prabowo-gibran-jadi-paslon-dengan-interaksi-tertinggi-di-tiktok#:~:text=Tingkat interaksi ini diukur melalui,juta interaksi sepanjang periode tersebut. (Accessed: 4 March 2024).
[xvi] Muhamad, N. (2024) Prabowo-Gibran Jadi Paslon dengan Interaksi Tertinggi di TikTok, Katadata. Available at: https://databoks.katadata.co.id/datapublish/2024/01/23/prabowo-gibran-jadi-paslon-dengan-interaksi-tertinggi-di-tiktok#:~:text=Tingkat interaksi ini diukur melalui,juta interaksi sepanjang periode tersebut. (Accessed: 4 March 2024).
[xvii] Gherghina, S. and Marian, C. (2024) ‘Election campaign and media exposure: explaining objective vs subjective political knowledge among first-time voters’, Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, 00(00), pp. 1–17. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2024.2319400.
[xviii] Ibid.
[xix] Tapsell, R. (2024) It’s Time to Reframe Disinformation: Indonesia’s Elections Show Why, CIGI. Available at: https://www.cigionline.org/articles/its-time-to-reframe-disinformation-indonesias-elections-show-why/?utm_medium=organic&utm_source=twitter&utm_campaign=tapsell-indonesia-elections&utm_content=opinion (Accessed: 13 March 2024).
[xx] Jaffrey, S. and Warbuton, E. (2024) Explaining the Prabowo landslide, New Mandala. Available at: https://www.newmandala.org/explaining-the-prabowo-landslide/ (Accessed: 13 March 2024).
